Asked by unkown
can you reword this plz
Boundaries should ideally be created by the states and communities directly affected, working within an international legal framework (UN processes, UNCLOS for maritime questions, and ICJ or arbitration where appropriate) and supported by impartial mediators, with local populations given a meaningful voice through negotiation, referenda, or other democratic procedures so borders are not simply imposed from outside. They should be guided by respect for territorial integrity, peoples’ right to self‑determination, uti possidetis juris (the decolonization principle that preserves existing administrative boundaries to prevent chaos) while recognizing that uti possidetis should not be an absolute shield where gross injustices exist, protection of minority rights, and practical considerations such as geography, economic ties, and security. Whether to adopt “hard” or “soft” borders depends on context: hard borders are appropriate where acute security threats, pervasive illicit flows, or irreconcilable governance differences exist, whereas soft borders with open crossings and customs/immigration cooperation are preferable where economic integration, shared identity, and trust make cooperation desirable. Real-world examples include the Schengen Area’s soft-border regime that facilitates trade and travel, the previously militarized Armenia–Azerbaijan boundary during active conflict, and the Northern Ireland/Republic of Ireland arrangement—where the Good Friday Agreement helped preserve soft borders to sustain peace but where Brexit-related changes have shown how political shifts can reintroduce border friction.
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Boundaries are best determined by the states and communities directly affected, working within established international frameworks (UN processes, UNCLOS for maritime issues, and the ICJ or arbitration where appropriate), assisted by impartial mediators and with meaningful participation from local populations through negotiation, referenda, or other democratic procedures so borders are not simply imposed from outside. They should be shaped by respect for territorial integrity, peoples’ right to self‑determination, and uti possidetis juris (the decolonization principle that preserves existing administrative lines to avoid chaos) — while recognizing that uti possidetis is not an absolute defense where grave injustices occur — together with protection for minority rights and practical considerations such as geography, economic links, and security. Whether borders should be “hard” or “soft” depends on circumstances: hard borders are appropriate where there are acute security threats, pervasive illicit flows, or irreconcilable governance differences; soft borders with open crossings and coordinated customs and immigration regimes work better where economic integration, shared identity, and mutual trust make cooperation feasible. Examples include the Schengen Area’s soft‑border regime that facilitates travel and trade, the formerly militarized Armenia–Azerbaijan boundary during active conflict, and the Northern Ireland/Republic of Ireland arrangements under the Good Friday Agreement — which preserved soft borders to sustain peace but where Brexit-related changes have reintroduced border frictions.
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