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“Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others” Easily the most striking thing in the history of the American Negro since 1876 is the ascendancy of Mr. Booker T. Washington. It began at the time when war memories and ideals were rapidly passing; a day of astonishing commercial development was dawning; a sense of doubt and hesitation overtook the freedmen’s sons,—then it was that his leading began. Mr. Washington came, with a simple definite programme, at the psychological moment when the nation was a little ashamed of having bestowed so much sentiment on Negroes, and was concentrating its energies on Dollars. His programme of industrial education, conciliation of the South, and submission and silence as to civil and political rights, was not wholly original; … But Mr. Washington first indissolubly linked these things; he put enthusiasm, unlimited energy, and perfect faith into his programme, and changed it from a by-path into a veritable Way of Life. … To gain the sympathy and cooperation of the various elements comprising the white South was Mr. Washington's first task; and this, at the time Tuskegee was founded, seemed, for a black man, well-nigh impossible. And yet ten years later it was done in the word spoken at Atlanta: “In all things purely social we can be as separate as the five fingers, and yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress.” This “Atlanta Compromise” is by all odds the most notable thing in Mr. Washington’s career. The South interpreted it in different ways: the radicals received it as a complete surrender of the demand for civil and political equality; the conservatives, as a generously conceived working basis for mutual understanding. So both approved it, and to-day its author is certainly the most distinguished Southerner since Jefferson Davis, and the one with the largest personal following. … Mr. Washington represents in Negro thought the old attitude of adjustment and submission; but adjustment at such a peculiar time as to make his programme unique. This is an age of unusual economic development, and Mr. Washington’s programme naturally takes an economic cast, becoming a gospel of Work and Money to such an extent as apparently almost completely to overshadow the higher aims of life. … Mr. Washington’s programme practically accepts the alleged inferiority of the Negro races. Again, in our own land, the reaction from the sentiment of war time has given impetus to race-prejudice against Negroes, and Mr. Washington withdraws many of the high demands of Negroes as men and American citizens. In other periods of intensified prejudice all the Negro’s tendency to self-assertion has been called forth; at this period a policy of submission is advocated. In the history of nearly all other races and peoples the doctrine preached at such crises has been that manly self-respect is worth more than lands and houses, and that a people who voluntarily surrender such respect, or cease striving for it, are not worth civilizing. In answer to this, it has been claimed that the Negro can survive only through submission. Mr. Washington distinctly asks that black people give up, at least for the present, three things,— First, political power, Second, insistence on civil rights, Third, higher education of Negro youth,—and concentrate all their energies on industrial education, and accumulation of wealth, and the conciliation of the South. This policy has been courageously and insistently advocated for over fifteen years, and has been triumphant for perhaps ten years. As a result of this tender of the palm-branch, what has been the return? In these years there have occurred: The disfranchisement of the Negro. The legal creation of a distinct status of civil inferiority for the Negro. The steady withdrawal of aid from institutions for the higher training of the Negro. The question then comes: Is it possible, and probable, that nine millions of men can make effective progress in economic lines if they are deprived of political rights, made a servile caste, and allowed only the most meagre chance for developing their exceptional men? If history and reason give any distinct answer to these questions, it is an emphatic NO. And Mr. Washington thus faces the triple paradox of his career: He is striving nobly to make Negro artisans business men and property-owners; but it is utterly impossible, under modern competitive methods, for workingmen and property-owners to defend their rights and exist without the right of suffrage. He insists on thrift and self-respect, but at the same time counsels a silent submission to civic inferiority such as is bound to sap the manhood of any race in the long run. He advocates common-school and industrial training, and depreciates institutions of higher learning; but neither the Negro common-schools, nor Tuskegee itself, could remain open a day were it not for teachers trained in Negro colleges, or trained by their graduates. … The black men of America have a duty to perform, a duty stern and delicate,—a forward movement to oppose a part of the work of their greatest leader. So far as Mr. Washington preaches Thrift, Patience, and Industrial Training for the masses, we must hold up his hands and strive with him, rejoicing in his honors and glorying in the strength of this Joshua called of God and of man to lead the headless host. But so far as Mr. Washington apologizes for injustice, North or South, does not rightly value the privilege and duty of voting, belittles the emasculating effects of caste distinctions, and opposes the higher training and ambition of our brighter minds,—so far as he, the South, or the Nation, does this,—we must unceasingly and firmly oppose them. By every civilized and peaceful method we must strive for the rights which the world accords to men, clinging unwaveringly to those great words which the sons of the Fathers would fain forget: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”
1 answer
The document "Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others" was written by W.E.B. Du Bois, a prominent African American scholar, activist, and co-founder of the NAACP, during a critical period in American history—the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This era was marked by the post-Reconstruction social, political, and economic landscape, which deeply influenced Du Bois's perspectives and the content of his critique of Washington's approach.
Historical Context
Post-Reconstruction Era: The document reflects a time when African Americans had recently gained freedom but were facing severe systemic oppression, including Jim Crow laws, disenfranchisement, and widespread racial violence. Du Bois’s work emerged against a backdrop of intense racial prejudice and the failure of Reconstruction promises, leading to the establishment of a racially segregated society that stripped many African Americans of their rights.
Economic Transformation: As the nation transitioned into an age of industrialization and economic change, the emphasis on economic success, as advocated by Washington, was seen by Du Bois as a distraction from the essential civil rights issues facing the black community. The focus on industrial education over higher education indicated a broader systemic expectation that African Americans should remain in subordinate economic roles.
Philosophical Divide: The document encapsulates a crucial ideological divide between Du Bois and Washington. Washington’s approach of accommodation and the "Atlanta Compromise" asked African Americans to temporarily forgo political power and civil rights for economic opportunities. Du Bois countered this by advocating for the need for political rights, higher education, and a more aggressive stand against racial oppression. The contrasting philosophies stemmed from their different experiences and interpretations of the black experience in America.
Personal and Political Influences
Du Bois's Background: Du Bois, having been educated at Fisk University, Harvard, and the University of Berlin, was significantly influenced by European intellectual thought and the ideals of the African American intellectual elite. His perspective was informed by his belief in the "Talented Tenth," a concept that emphasized the importance of cultivating a leadership class among African Americans through higher education.
Immediate Social Climate: The sentiments of the time—an era of growing disenfranchisement and increasing violence against black citizens, coupled with the resurgence of white supremacy—affected the document's language and urgency. Du Bois acknowledges Washington's accomplishments but critiques his compromises, arguing they undermine the long-term goals of civil rights and equality.
Response to Washington's Influence: The document communicates a reactionary tone to Washington's ideology, emphasizing the perceived dangers of promoting submission as a strategy for black advancement. Du Bois argues that such a stance could ultimately decay the sense of self-worth and rights among African Americans.
Conclusion
The circumstances surrounding the creation of this document—an environment of racial oppression, economic transformation, and philosophical contention—significantly impact its content. By critiquing Washington’s philosophy, Du Bois foregrounds the need for civil rights and political engagement as essential to the progress and dignity of African Americans. This historical context not only shapes the specific arguments and rhetoric employed in the document but also reflects a broader struggle for equality and justice during a pivotal moment in American history.
