When I consider the magnitude of the subject which I am to bring before the House—a subject, in which the interests, not of this country, nor of Europe alone, but of the whole world, and of posterity, are involved: and when I think, at the same time, on the weakness of the advocate who has undertaken this great cause—when these reflections press upon my mind, it is impossible for me not to feel both terrified and concerned at my own inadequacy to such a task. But when I reflect, however, on the encouragement which I have had, through the whole course of a long and laborious examination of this question, and how much candour I have experienced, and how conviction has increased within my own mind, in proportion as I have advanced in my labours;—when I reflect, especially, that however averse any gentleman may now be, yet we shall all be of one opinion in the end;—when I turn myself to these thoughts, I take courage—I determine to forget all my other fears, and I march forward with a firmer step in the full assurance that my cause will bear me out, and that I shall be able to justify upon the clearest principles, every resolution in my hand, the avowed end of which is, the total abolition of the slave trade. I wish exceedingly, in the outset, to guard both myself and the House from entering into the subject with any sort of passion. It is not their passions I shall appeal to—I ask only for their cool and impartial reason; and I wish not to take them by surprise, but to deliberate, point by point, upon every part of this question. I mean not to accuse any one, but to take the shame upon myself, in common, indeed, with the whole parliament of Great Britain, for having suffered this horrid trade to be carried on under their authority. We are all guilty—we ought all to plead guilty, and not to exculpate ourselves by throwing the blame on others; and I therefore deprecate every kind of reflection against the various descriptions of people who are more immediately involved in this wretched business.

Question

Having now disposed of the first part of this subject, I must speak of the transit of the slaves in the West Indies. This I confess, in my own opinion, is the most wretched part of the whole subject. So much misery condensed in so little room, is more than the human imagination had ever before conceived. I will not accuse the Liverpool merchants: I will allow them, nay, I will believe them to be men of humanity; and I will therefore believe, if it were not for the enormous magnitude and extent of the evil which distracts their attention from individual cases, and makes them think generally, and therefore less feelingly on the subject, they would never have persisted in the trade. I verily believe therefore, if the wretchedness of any one of the many hundred Negroes stowed in each ship could be brought before their view, and remain within the sight of the African Merchant, that there is no one among them whose heart would bear it. Let any one imagine to himself 6 or 700 of these wretches chained two and two, surrounded with every object that is nauseous and disgusting, diseased, and struggling under every kind of wretchedness! How can we bear to think of such a scene as this? One would think it had been determined to heap upon them all the varieties of bodily pain, for the purpose of blunting the feelings of the mind; and yet, in this very point(to show the power of human prejudice) the situation of the slaves has been described by Mr. Norris, one of the Liverpool delegates, in a manner which, I am sure will convince the House how interest can draw a film a cross the eyes, so thick, that total blindness could do no more; and how it is our duty therefore to trust not to the reasonings of interested men, or to their way of colouring a transaction. 'Their apartments,' says Mr. Norris, 'are fitted up as much for their advantage as circumstances will admit. The right ancle of one, indeed is connected with the left ancle of another by a small iron fetter, and if they are turbulent, by another on their wrists. They have several meals a day; some of their own country provisions, with the best sauces of African cookery; and by way of variety, another meal of pulse, &c. according to European taste. After breakfast they have water to wash themselves, while their apartments are perfumed with frankincense and lime-juice. Before dinner, they are amused after the manner of their country. The song and dance are promoted,' and, as if the whole was really a scene of pleasure and dissipation it is added, that games of chance are furnished. 'The men play and sing, while the women and girls make fanciful ornaments with beads, which they are plentifully supplied with.' Such is the sort of strain in which the Liverpool delegates, and particularly Mr. Norris, gave evidence before the privy council. What will the House think when, by the concurring testimony of other witnesses, the true history is laid open. The slaves who are sometimes described as rejoicing at their captivity, are so wrung with misery at leaving their country, that it is the constant practice to set sail at night, lest they should be sensible of their departure. The pulse which Mr. Norris talks of are horse beans; and the scantiness, both of water and provision, was suggested by the very legislature of Jamaica in the report of their committee, to be a subject that called for the interference of parliament. Mr. Norris talks of frankincense and lime juice; when surgeons tell you the slaves are stowed so close, that there is not room to tread among them: and when you have it in evidence from sir George Yonge, that even in a ship which wanted 200 of her complement, the stench was intolerable. The song and the dance, says Mr. Norris, are promoted. It had been more fair, perhaps, if he had explained that word promoted. The truth is, that for the sake of exercise, these miserable wretches, loaded with chains, oppressed with disease and wretchedness, are forced to dance by the terror of the lash, and sometimes by the actual use of it. 'I,' says one of the other evidences, 'was employed to dance the men, while another person danced the women.' Such, then is the meaning of the word promoted; and it may be observed too, with respect to food, that an instrument is sometimes carried out, in order to force them to eat which is the same sort of proof how much they enjoy themselves in that instance also. As to their singing, what shall we say when we are told that their songs are songs of lamentation upon their departure which, while they sing, are always in tears, insomuch that one captain (more humane as I should conceive him, therefore, than the rest) threatened one of the women with a flogging, because the mournfulness of her song was too painful for his feelings. In order, however, not to trust too much to any sort of description, I will call the attention of the House to one species of evidence which is absolutely infallible. Death, at least, is a sure ground of evidence, and the proportion of deaths will not only confirm, but if possible will even aggravate our suspicion of their misery in the transit. It will be found, upon an average of all the ships of which evidence has been given at the privy council, that exclusive of those who perish before they sail, not less than 12½ per cent. perish in the passage. Besides these, the Jamaica report tells you, that not less than 4½ per cent. die on shore before the day of sale, which is only a week or two from the time of landing. One third more die in the seasoning, and this in a country exactly like their own, where they are healthy and happy as some of the evidences would pretend. The diseases, however, which they contract on shipboard, the astringent washes which are to hide their wounds, and the mischievous tricks used to make them up for sale, are, as the Jamaica report says, (a most precious and valuable report, which I shall often have to advert to) one principle cause of this mortality. Upon the whole, however, here is a mortality of about 50 per cent. and this among negroes who are not bought unless (as the phrase is with cattle) they are sound in wind and limb. How then can the House refuse its belief to the multiplied testimonies before the privy council, of the savage treatment of the negroes in the middle passage? Nay, indeed, what need is there of any evidence? The number of deaths speaks for itself, and makes all such enquiry superfluous. As soon as ever I had arrived thus far in my investigation of the slave trade, I confess to you sir, so enormous so dreadful, so irremediable did its wickedness appear that my own mind was completely made up for the abolition. A trade founded in iniquity, and carried on as this was, must be abolished, let the policy be what it might,—let the consequences be what they would, I from this time determined that I would never rest till I had effected its abolition.

Answer 1

This passage appears to be an excerpt from a historical speech against the slave trade, likely delivered in the British Parliament in the late 18th century. The speaker reflects on the enormity and moral weight of the subject, emphasizing the universal and lasting implications of the slave trade. The argument builds on a strong emotional appeal while also invoking reason, asking the members of the House to set aside passions and to deliberate thoughtfully on the humanitarian crisis of slavery.

Key Themes and Structure:

1. Personal Inadequacy and Responsibility: The speaker begins by expressing anxiety about their ability to advocate effectively on such a grave issue, acknowledging a sense of collective guilt among all members of Parliament for allowing the trade to continue.

2. Call for Rational Discourse: Emphasizing the need for impartiality, the speaker insists on a rational examination of the facts rather than an emotional response.

3. Descriptive Evidence of Suffering: The speaker criticizes the portrayal of the slave experience by merchants, contrasting it with the severe realities faced by enslaved individuals during transport. Vivid imagery is used to convey the horrific conditions that slaves endure, including overcrowding, disease, and emotional trauma.

4. Critique of Misleading Testimonies: The speaker references Mr. Norris and the Liverpool delegates' testimonies, arguing that their accounts are distorted by self-interest, and presents evidence demonstrating the true nature of the treatment of slaves.

5. Statistical Evidence of Mortality: The speaker employs statistical data to highlight the high mortality rate among enslaved individuals during transit, underscoring the brutality of the slave trade.

6. Moral Determination: The conclusion reflects a resolute determination for abolition, portraying the slave trade as inherently sinful and unsustainable, regardless of any potential policy arguments in its favor.

7. Call to Action: The speaker advocates for immediate action to abolish the slave trade, refusing to rest until this moral imperative is achieved.

Historical Context and Impact:

In the late 18th century, abolitionists in Britain were increasingly vocal against the transatlantic slave trade, leading to growing public awareness and eventually the passage of the Slavery Abolition Act in 1833. Speeches like this one were critical in shaping public opinion and mobilizing political action against slavery. The emotive and logical arguments presented here were part of a larger strategy to highlight the inhumanity of the slave trade and to galvanize support for its abolition across British society.

Answer 2

part 2 of my question
Whereas the late King James the Second, by the assistance of divers evil counsellors, judges and ministers employed by him, did endeavour to subvert and extirpate the Protestant religion and the laws and liberties of this kingdom;

By assuming and exercising a power of dispensing with and suspending of laws and the execution of laws without consent of Parliament;

By committing and prosecuting divers worthy prelates for humbly petitioning to be excused from concurring to the said assumed power;
By issuing and causing to be executed a commission under the great seal for erecting a court called the Court of Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes;

By levying money for and to the use of the Crown by pretence of prerogative for other time and in other manner than the same was granted by Parliament;

By raising and keeping a standing army within this kingdom in time of peace without consent of Parliament, and quartering soldiers contrary to law;

By causing several good subjects being Protestants to be disarmed at the same time when papists were both armed and employed contrary to law;
By violating the freedom of election of members to serve in Parliament;

By prosecutions in the Court of King's Bench for matters and causes cognizable only in Parliament, and by divers other arbitrary and illegal courses;

And whereas of late years partial corrupt and unqualified persons have been returned and served on juries in trials, and particularly divers jurors in trials for hightreason which were not freeholders;

And excessive bail hath been required of persons committed in criminal cases to elude the benefit of the laws made for the liberty of the subjects;
And excessive fines have been imposed;

And illegal and cruel punishments inflicted;

And several grants and promises made of fines and forfeitures before any conviction or judgment against the persons upon whom the same were to be levied;

All which are utterly and directly contrary to the known laws and statutes and freedom of this realm;
And whereas the said late King James the Second having abdicated the government and the throne being thereby vacant, his Highness the prince of Orange(whom it hath pleased Almighty God to make the glorious instrument of delivering this kingdom from popery and arbitrary power) did (by the advice of the LordsSpiritual and Temporal and divers principal persons of the Commons) cause letters to be written to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal being Protestants, and otherletters to the several counties, cities, universities, boroughs and cinque ports, for the choosing of such persons to represent them as were of right to be sent toParliament, to meet and sit at Westminster upon the two and twentieth day of January in this year one thousand six hundred eighty and eight [old style date], in orderto such an establishment as that their religion, laws and liberties might not again be in danger of being subverted, upon which letters elections having been accordinglymade;

And thereupon the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons, pursuant to their respective letters and elections, being now assembled in a full and freerepresentative of this nation, taking into their most serious consideration the best means for attaining the ends aforesaid, do in the first place (as their ancestors in likecase have usually done) for the vindicating and asserting their ancient rights and liberties declare

That the pretended power of suspending the laws or the execution of laws by regal authority without consent of Parliament is illegal;

That the pretended power of dispensing with laws or the execution of laws by regal authority, as it hath been assumed and exercised of late, is illegal;
That the commission for erecting the late Court of Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes, and all other commissions and courts of like nature, are illegal andpernicious;

That levying money for or to the use of the Crown by pretence of prerogative, without grant of Parliament, for longer time, or in other manner than the same is orshall be granted, is illegal;

That it is the right of the subjects to petition the king, and all commitments and prosecutions for such petitioning are illegal;

That the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in time of peace, unless it be with consent of Parliament, is against law;
That the subjects which are Protestants may have arms for their defence suitable to their conditions and as allowed by law;

That election of members of Parliament ought to be free;

That the freedom of speech and debates or proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Parliament;

That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted;
That jurors ought to be duly impanelled and returned, and jurors which pass upon men in trials for high treason ought to be freeholders;

That all grants and promises of fines and forfeitures of particular persons before conviction are illegal and void;

And that for redress of all grievances, and for the amending, strengthening and preserving of the laws, Parliaments ought to be held frequently.

Answer 3

The text you've provided is an excerpt from the Bill of Rights of 1689, a fundamental document in British history that outlines the rights of Parliament and the limitations on the powers of the monarch. This document emerged in the aftermath of the Glorious Revolution, which saw James II deposed and William of Orange ascending to the throne. The Bill of Rights was crucial in establishing a constitutional monarchy and laying the groundwork for modern democracy in England.

Key Themes and Provisions of the Bill of Rights:

1. Condemnation of James II's Actions: The Bill begins with a detailed account of the perceived abuses and violations of law committed by King James II, including:

   • Attempts to subvert Protestantism and establish Catholic supremacy.
   • Overstepping the authority of Parliament by dispensing with laws unilaterally.
   • Imposing a standing army without Parliament's consent.
   • Violating the rights of subjects through unfair legal practices and excessive punishments.

2. Assertion of Parliamentary Authority: The Bill underscores the principle that royal authority must be exercised within the legal framework established by Parliament, emphasizing that:

   • Laws cannot be suspended or dispensed with by the monarch without Parliament's consent.
   • The power to levy taxes (or money for the Crown) must originate from Parliament.

3. Protection of Individual Rights: It guarantees certain rights to individuals, including:

   • The right to petition the king without fear of punishment.
   • The right to bear arms for Protestants in defense.
   • Assurance against excessive bail, excessive fines, and cruel and unusual punishments.
   • Guarantees of free elections and fair representation in Parliament.

4. Judicial Fairness: It emphasizes the need for an impartial judiciary, including the proper selection of jurors and the prohibition of unfair trials, particularly concerning high treason.

5. Continuous Parliament: The Bill declares that Parliament must be convened frequently to address grievances and maintain the law, emphasizing the ongoing consent of the governed.

Significance of the Bill of Rights:

The Bill of Rights is considered a seminal moment in the evolution of constitutional law in Britain. It helped to:

• Establish parliamentary sovereignty, reinforcing the notion that Parliament was the supreme legal authority.
• Influence later democratic charters and constitutions, including the U.S. Bill of Rights.
• Serve as a model for future human rights legislation, promoting the idea that certain rights are inherent and must be protected by the law.

Historical Context:

The Bill of Rights was a response to the perceived tyranny of James II and represented a consensus among the new monarchs William and Mary and Parliament, aiming to protect Protestant interests and ensure political stability. The backdrop of religious tensions, conflicts over sovereignty, and individual rights played a crucial role in its formulation and adoption.

In summary, the Bill of Rights of 1689 was a foundational document that enshrined key principles of governance, civil liberties, and the rule of law in England, marking a pivotal transition toward modern democracy and constitutional monarchy.

Answer 4

the actual question The Bill of Rights uses different techniques than Wilberforce’s speech to convey its point. What techniques are unique to the Bill of Rights?

(1 point)
Responses

using lists to organize the document
using lists to organize the document

appealing to the readers’ emotions
appealing to the readers’ emotions

employing figurative language
employing figurative language

drawing attention to injustice

Answer 5

The unique technique employed by the Bill of Rights is using lists to organize the document.

Explanation:

• Using Lists to Organize the Document: The Bill of Rights presents its points through a clear and systematic enumeration of grievances and affirmations, which provides structure and facilitates understanding of the specific rights being asserted and the abuses being condemned. This organizational style is distinct to legal and formal documents, providing clarity and a straightforward presentation of claims and rights.

The other options, while they may be present to some extent in various forms of writing, do not characterize the Bill of Rights in the same way:

• Appealing to the Readers’ Emotions: While the Bill of Rights addresses serious grievances, its primary purpose is to assert legal rights rather than evoke emotional responses in the same way that Wilberforce’s speech does.

• Employing Figurative Language: Legal documents like the Bill of Rights typically strive for precision and clarity rather than figurative language, which is more common in persuasive speeches.

• Drawing Attention to Injustice: While this is a theme in both the Bill of Rights and Wilberforce’s speech, the Bill of Rights focuses more on establishing legal principles and rights rather than emphasizing emotional appeals against injustice.

Therefore, the correct answer is: using lists to organize the document.